County Report: Disability in Liberia

Earlier in 2018 I was involved in the preparation of a report on disability and rehabilitation in Liberia. It was a part of the “Disability And Start-Ups” (DASU) project of AIFO/Italy with funding from AICS, the Italian Agency for Development Cooperation.

In this article, I want to share some of my reflections from this effort. You can download the full report (PDF, 1.4 MB) and the Summary Report (PDF, 0.6 MB).

Background

I was asked to carry out a diagnostic study to look at the capacities, skills and needs of the organisations of persons with disabilities (DPOs) in 3 counties of Liberia – Bong, Grand Gedeh and Nimba. The information collected from this study would have helped the project to plan the training of the DPO members.

In 2006, the United Nations (UN) had approved the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). This Convention asks the Governments to involve the DPOs in planning the different disability related activities. At the same time, the DPOs are expected to monitor if the Convention is being implemented properly in their countries and to provide their independent reports to the UN. For all these roles, DPOs need specific knowledge and skills.

DASU project focuses on capacity building and strengthening of DPOs in Liberia by working in collaboration with the national umbrella organisation called NUOD (National Union of Organisations of Disabled) that unites all the Liberian DPOs. NUOD representatives joined me for different activities of the diagnostic study.

DASU project focuses on livelihood and economic independence of disabled persons. However, a separate baseline study on livelihood-entrepreneurship was planned in the project, so in my study I did not look at these aspects and my focus was wider and more general.

Conducting the Study

Our original plans for diagnostic study had to be slightly modified – considering that some groups of persons with disabilities were greatly under-represented in the county DPOs, it was decided to also involve 2 national level DPOs from Monrovia in the process: the DPO representing persons with mental health issues called Cultivators for Users’ Hope (CFUH) and the Liberian National Association of the Deaf (LNAD).

At the beginning and the end of this article you will find the links to download the full and the summary versions of report. However, here I would like to explain a little more about the Desk Review component of the study.

Desk Review on Disability & Rehab in Liberia

The Desk Review was supposed to look at the available information about DPOs and NUOD in Liberia including any formal and informal publications and reports.

I was prepared to find little published information regarding the county level DPOs. However, a large number of foreign-aid and development projects had been implemented in the country in the decade following the end of the civil war in 2003. Thus, I was expecting that there would be plenty of information regarding the Disability and Rehabilitation (D&R) from the foreign-aid and development sectors.

However, I was surprized by an overall lack of materials and information about D&R. There were few reports prepared in a past few years and they had patchy information. For example, about the number of persons with disabilities in Liberia, these reports cited a survey carried out by a UNICEF project in 1997 while the disability data collected during the national census in 2008 was largely ignored.

Reasons for Lack of Systematic Information About D&R

A bit of digging in different archives and talking to some key persons, brought out some of the underlying causes of this lack of available information about D&R sector in Liberia. These included the following:

(1) Civil war in Liberia: The country went through a brutal civil war from 1989 to 2003. Almost 8% of the Liberia’s population died during the war while more than one-third was displaced. The war destroyed most of the country’s infrastructure, including schools and hospitals. The war created huge challenges. For example, at the end of the war, there were about 21,000 child soldiers who had to be integrated and rehabilitated. Thus, it is easy to understand why there was little information available about Disability & Rehabilitation services from the pre-2003 period.

(2) The Post-Civil War Reconstruction: The rebuilding of the country after the civil war started slowly. In the D&R sector, the Government took quick decisions but these were not followed by effective implementation. For example, an autonomous body called National Commission on Disability (NCD) was set-up in 2005, but till 2011, it did not have any staff or budget.

On the other hand, slowly but surely, Liberia had started growing and became one of the fastest growing economies in Africa. In 2013, Liberia’s GDP was growing at around 8%.

(3) Ebola Virus Crisis (EVC): In 2014 when EVC broke out in Liberia, the Government had already started to work on a national Disability Action Plan (DAP). The crisis brought everything to a standstill as businesses closed, programmes stopped and the international collaborations were blocked. All the expatriate staff of the foreign-aid and development organisations left the country in a hurry, taking with them their reports and information - few, if any of these reports were available on the internet. The GDP growth of Liberia turned negative.

The EV crisis was officially closed in 2016. After that the country is slowly growing back. For example, in 2017, the GDP growth has been a little more than 2%.

The international NGOs active in D&R sector in Liberia are still few (mainly AIFO/Italy and Sight Savers Int.) probably because the fears of Ebola virus still linger.

I can only guess that because of Ebola crisis, most of the archives of international organisations active in Liberia were lost. If they had any websites, they were also closed. Though NCD, NUOD and the national level DPOs still have persons who were there and saw the events of the past 20-30 years, there is little documented information or reports.

The Liberian disability organizations have access to very few resources and are fighting for their survival. They do not have resources to invest in documenting their histories and stories. I think that it is an area that would benefit from research and documentation by the university students from Liberia and abroad.

This is why I have enlarged the section of the Desk Review in my report, to provide a historical overview of the D&R sector in Liberia. However, I am sure that a lot of information is still missing. Persons and NGOs who had worked in the development sector in Liberia during 2003-2014, including the expatriates, probably they will have some of the missing information.

Conclusions

The Diagnostic Study on county DPOs in Liberia was published recently. However, I am planning to keep on updating it over the next couple of years. Thus, if you have any comments, suggestions or corrections regarding this report, I will appreciate hearing from you. If you have access to any specific reports or publications regarding disability and rehab issues in Liberia that are not mentioned in the bibliography of this report, do share them with me.

You can download the last version of the full report (PDF, 1.4 MB) on Disability & Rehabilitation in Liberia. The report is also available in a Summary (Easy to Read) version (PDF, 0.6 MB).

Finally, I would like to thank all the persons who made this work possible. These include a large number of persons from county DPOs, national DPOs, and NGOs in Liberia and AIFO office in both Liberia and Italy. My special thanks go to Naomi Harris, Daniel Dagbe and Heylove Marks from NUOD/Liberia and Ricardia Dennis from NCD/Liberia.

All the images used in this post come from my meetings with persons with disabilities and their organisations in Liberia.

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#liberiadisabilityreport #liberia #dposliberia #nuodliberia #personswithdisabilitiesliberia 

Is there still leprosy in India?

Recently in a Twitter debate, a message said that leprosy was eliminated in India in 2005. Then another person asked, “So it means we have no leprosy in India?” The answer was that India still has leprosy but it is below the WHO cut-off level, implying that it was no longer an important issue.

I intervened at this point, specifying that every year, India has about 130,000 new cases of leprosy and I feel that it is still an important issue for public health in India.

I can understand why people get confused. If it is true that leprosy was eliminated in India in 2005, then how can we still get 130,000 new cases of leprosy every year?

The answer is that in this case, WHO has a specific definition of “elimination” – it refers to persons registered for treatment for leprosy at the end of a year. If number of persons receiving treatment at the end of year is less than 1 per 10,000 population, according to this definition, it means that the country has “eliminated leprosy”. That is how, India has eliminated leprosy even if we get 1.3 lakh new cases every year.

The old definition of "leprosy elimination" when its prevalence goes below 1 per 10,000 population is an old definition and is no longer useful. However, in public health, old definitions can continue to have their own life and continue to create new confusions! To understand, how we came to this situation, we need to rewind and go back to 1989.

New treatment of leprosy

A new treatment of leprosy was proposed in the early 1982 by the World Health Organization (WHO). This treatment included 3 drugs – Dapsone, Clofazimine and Rifampicine. Being a combination of drugs, the new treatment was called Multi-Drug Treatment or MDT. Before MDT, people needed to take leprosy treatment for decades or even all their life without ever getting cured of the infection. With MDT, within 1-3 years, people could be completely cured of the infection.

Though MDT was such an effective treatment, hospitals and doctors treating leprosy were slow to adopt it. It was thought that doctors needed to carry out some tests before starting MDT and then directly supervise people receiving this treatment. Since in poor countries, laboratories for doing the tests and doctors to supervise the treatment were lacking, most people with leprosy were not given the new drugs, even if they were so much better compared to the old treatments.

In 1989, WHO had organized a meeting in Brazaville in Congo to talk about leprosy and MDT. I was there in this meeting. I don’t remember much about that meeting except for the dismay of many participants that in spite of so much efforts, in most countries less than 10% of the leprosy cases were being treated with MDT. The question was what to do to ensure that everyone could be treated with the new drugs?

Elimination strategy of WHO

In 1991, leprosy team of WHO came out with a solution to strengthen the use of MDT in treating leprosy patients - it was called the New Strategy for Leprosy Elimination. To promote the treatment with MDT, it asked countries to focus on bringing down the leprosy prevalence (by decreasing the number of persons being registered for treatment at the end of year) by the year 2000. As persons completed their treatment, their names could be removed and the prevalence would decrease. The idea was to ignore the number of new cases but to focus on giving them treatment and removing their names from the leprosy registers.

The key to bringing down the prevalence of leprosy was to treat people with MDT. To facilitate it, the treatment duration was decreased and diagnosis of leprosy was simplified – you didn’t need to do any tests for starting MDT and doctors were not needed to supervise the medicine-taking by the patients.

In India, new MDT programmes were started mainly in south India around the last part of 1980s and early 1990s. Only towards the end of 1990s, these MDT programmes reached north India. Only around 1998-99, India managed to treat all its new leprosy patients with MDT. Thus, India was not able to reach the elimination goal of WHO in 2000, but it managed to achieve it in 2005.

There was another idea underlying the elimination strategy – WHO experts thought that if we could treat all infected persons in a community, then the level of infection will drop, slowly the disease transmission will automatically decrease and new cases of leprosy will also come down over a period of time.

Leprosy elimination strategy had many positive effects – it managed to increase the MDT coverage to 100% - all leprosy patients started to be treated with MDT. However, it also had a negative effect – when countries reached the elimination goal, they thought that their leprosy problem was finished and often they stopped paying attention to it.

Leprosy in India today

As mentioned earlier, India still has about 130,000 new cases of leprosy every year. After India reached the “elimination” in 2005, we stopped routine looking for new cases of leprosy in the communities. Instead, now we expect them to report themselves to a Primary Health Care (PHC) centres and come for diagnosis and treatment. The Government is supposed to carry out mass awareness programmes so that persons suspected of having the disease can go to PHCs for a check-up. However, persons in villages are not always aware of the different changes and misconceptions about leprosy are common. In fact, many leprosy surveys carried out in India over the past decade, have shown that actual number of persons with leprosy in India is much higher than the official reports.

Over the past 10 years (2007 to 2017), the official number of new cases of leprosy in India has been relatively stable – in 2007, we had around 137,000 new cases, while in 2016 the number was around 134,000. Thus, so far the idea that if we treat everyone, the number of new cases will decrease automatically, has not turned out to be true. Perhaps, there are other factors contributing to this slow decline in number of new cases - for example, some doctors believe that highly infectious cases (LL cases) need longer treatment otherwise they might act as source of new leprosy infections in the communities. Some new strategies, such as "single dose Rifampicine" to persons at risk for prevention of leprosy are being tried.

Is talking About Leprosy Elimination Useful Today?

I feel that today it makes no sense to talk about “elimination of leprosy” in the way this goal was defined in 1991. We want people to come to PHC and get treatment for leprosy and at the same time we say that leprosy has been eliminated. It means that we are giving two contradictory messages to people, which creates confusion.

Over the past 3 decades, I have visited leprosy programmes in a large number of countries and seen the impact of MDT - I have seen the leprosy situation change in front of me. Today, most new cases of leprosy have few signs of the disease. If they take treatment, they get completely cured without any disfigurement. Thus, leprosy can be like any other curable disease. However, the situation is worse in far-away areas and even urban peripheries because of misconceptions and lack of awareness. People who come late for treatment, many of them end up with needless disfigurement.

This is also true in India, where persons living in isolated areas do not get early access to leprosy treatment.

All countries where leprosy is endemic are facing this situation. Many decision-makers and people think that leprosy has been defeated but in reality, we still have a significant problem and need good leprosy programmes to identify all the new cases and to treat them early so that they do not develop any disabilities due to the disease.

Conclusions

Today leprosy is easily treatable. It is no longer a dreaded disease even if many persons carry prejudices against persons with leprosy because of lack of knowledge.

Many countries including India, which have “eliminated leprosy”, continue to have significant number of new cases.

(1) I believe that we need to stop talking of “leprosy elimination” - today, it makes no sense. It only creates confusion in the mind of both health workers and communities.

(2) Decision makers need to accept that we have and will continue to have a significant number of leprosy cases in India in the near future, who will need to get treatment and other services. In fact, the current strategies of controlling leprosy need to be reviewed to focus on decreasing the number of new cases of leprosy and to reduce the number of persons who get disabilities due to leprosy. Fixing unrealistic targets to reduce leprosy is not the best way to go about it - it penalises hardworking and good leprosy workers, who are seen as a problem if they keep on finding a large number of new cases.

Note: The author was associated with ILEP (International Anti-Leprosy Federation) for a number of years as a member of the medical commission and as its past president. He has conducted evaluation of leprosy programmes in different countries of Asia, Africa and South America. He is one of the organisers of International Leprosy Mailing list and associated with IDEA, the international organisation bringing together persons affected with leprosy.

The images used in this post are from an evaluation of leprosy programme in some districts of Maharashtra in 2016.

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#leprosyinindia #leprosy #ashaworkers #primaryhealthcare #eliminationofleprosy 

Basvanna to Sankardev - Poet Saints of India

From ancient times, India saw a steady stream of social reformers. These included persons like Buddha and Mahavir in the pre-Christian times. Starting from 6th century CE for more than a thousand years, India saw a number of social and religious reformers who expressed themselves in devotional poetry, often wore the saffron cloth of the renunciation, and wandered around composing and singing songs of divine love, spreading messages of human dignity and equality. These reformers are often called the Poet-Saints and their movement is known as Bhakti-movement (Bhakti = Devotion).

This post focuses on two such poet-saints – Basvanna in Karnataka and Srimanta Sankerdev in Assam, and their profound and lasting impact on the society.

The Religious Belief Systems in India

Like other ancient religions in the world, what is today called Hinduism, did not divide people into “believers” and non-believers”. These terms were introduced by Abrahamic religions in the middle-east, which insisted that their prophet was the only true messenger of God and only their religious path was the right way to worship.

In Hinduism, there have been and there continue to be different streams of beliefs, that sometimes separate from each other, sometimes ran parallel and are sometimes mingle and conjoin. They all accept that they are flowing from the same source. On one hand, the Vedic streams of Hinduism are associated with the sacred fires of Yagna and see God as Onkar, the infinite formless consciousness that permeates all the universe. Then there are Puranic streams, with their multiplicity of gods, especially the trinity of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva along with their respective consorts, Saraswati, Lakshmi and Parvati.

The different poet-saints of the Bhakti movement, were followers of these different streams of Hinduism. Many of them were followers of Shiva or Krishna. However, some of them also sang of the formless infinite God. Today some persons consider the followers of some poet-saints, such as those of Guru Nanak, Ravi Das and Kabir, as specific and separate religions. In my opinion, such considerations are influenced by the Western thinking, which is reductionist (looks at bits and pieces composing something) and prefers to categorize on the basis of differences. At other times, these considerations focusing on differences are linked to political and cultural struggles of these groups. However, personally I consider them as the multiple streams of Hinduism.

Bhakti Movement and Poet Saints

The earliest recognised poet-saints of the Bhakti Movement composed and sang their prayers in Tamil language in the 6th - 7th centuries. These were the devotees of Shiva, the Nayanars. They challenged the caste system and asked for a world of love and selflessness. Then there were Alvars, devotees of Krishna, starting from the 8th century.

The names and compositions of around 80 Tamil poet-saints (including both Nayanars and Alvars) are known. From Tamil areas, over the centuries this movement spread to the rest of India.

Then for almost thousand years, different parts of India saw these wandering mistrals, singing about casteless societies and divine love. Most of them wrote their songs in common local languages and many of them came from the so-called “lower castes” and humble backgrounds. They sang about divinity, promoted equality and at the same time, initiated a literary and cultural renaissance.

There were many women among them including Karaikkal Ammiyar, Tilakavatiyar, Andal and Madhurakavi Alvar in Tamil, Akka Mahadevi in Kannada, Gangasati in Gujarati and Meerabai in Rajasthani, who gave a message about the dignity and equality of women.

In north-west India, the Bhakti movement coincided with the arrival of different Muslim dynasties. It influenced them as well, giving rise to some Muslim poet-saints who followed the Bhakti tradition (Ras Khan and Rahim Das). It also influenced the wider Muslim community, especially through its interactions with the Sufi traditions.

Chronology of Indian Saint Poets After 1000 CE

A chronological-geographic analysis of the most well-known poet saints of India after 1000 CE shows the following names:

12th – 13th century: Basvanna, Allama Prabhu and Akka Mahadevi in Kannada; and Jaidev in Odishi

13th – 14th century: Namdev and Gyaneshwar in Marathi; Gangasati and Narsi Bhagat in Gujarati; and Ramananda in Hindi

14th – 15th century: Bhagat Pipa in Rajasthani; Guru Nanak in Punjabi; Purandhar in Kannada; Ravi Das and Kabir Das in Hindi

15th – 16th century: Chaitanya Mahaprabhu in Bengali; Shrimanta Shankerdev in Assamese; Vallabhacharya in Telugu and Hindi; and Meera Bai in Rajasthani.

16th – 17th century: Kanakdas in Kannada; Eknath and Tukaram in Marathi; and, Ras Khan and Rahim (Abdul Rahim) in Hindi

17th – 18th century: Vijay Das in Kannada; and Ram Prasad Sen in Bengali.

Poets in the above list classified under "Hindi language", include those who used its regional variants such as Braj bhasha, Khari boli, Avadhi and Maithili.

As the list above shows, the Bhakti-Saint reformist movement covered the whole Indian sub-continent and its different linguistic groups. The similarities of their messages and of the Gods they were worshipping illustrates the civilisation unity of India. 

Next, I want to talk about the legacies and continuing impact of two of these poet-saints with whom I am more familiar: Basvanna and Shrimanta Shankerdev.

Kannada Poet Saint Basavanna or Basveshwara

12th century Kannada poet-saint Basava, commonly called Basavanna or Basavanneshwara, composed songs known as Vachanas, filled with devotion for Shiva, which spoke against caste and gender discriminations. He was a minister in the Kalachuri dynasty of Kalyani. His followers are known as Lingayat or Virashaiva.

Along with other Kannada poet-saints including Allama Prabhu and Akka Mahadevi, he established a prayer and discussion centre called Anubhava Mantapa (in the image below), where both men and women of different castes were welcome to participate in philosophical and religious discussions.

His teachings are still followed by a large number of persons in Karnataka. His statues are common in the villages along with those of Ambedkar. In Basvan Kalyan in Bidar district of Karnataka, where the Anubhava Mantapa is located, a shrine of Basavanna has been built with his giant statue (in the image near the top). The image below shows him in princely attire.

Assamese Poet-Saint Srimanta Sankardev

The 15th century poet-saint from Assam wrote his devotional poems to Krishna in Assamese, Sanskrit and Braj bhasha (a dialect of Hindi) and had a tremendous impact among the Assamese people. Like Anubhava Mantapa in Karnataka, Sankardev (Shankerdev) is associated with religious and philosophical centres called Sattras. Apart from his devotional poems, he popularized traditions of Sattriya music, dance and theatre. He also promoted simple living, gender equality and casteless society.

His impact on Assamese society continues to be very important. Different Sattras are spread all over the state, the most important being those in Majuli island. (In the image below, a Satra in Guwahati)

Millions of his followers believe in simple life and prayers. For example, they have simple marriage ceremonies without exchange of money or costly gifts. For the prayers, they have Namghars, where the followers meet regularly, sing kirtans in front of book Bhagawat Purana (image below).

To Conclude

The singing and wandering poet-saints of India, over a period of about a thousand years, campaigned for gender equality and casteless society, though in vastly different ways.

Many of them were devotees of Shiva, a God associated with detachment, destruction and rebirth, and characterized by the ashes of cemeteries, snakes and a rag-tag group of followers including those who drink alcohol and use ganja or other drugs. Some Shiva stories also include bhoot-pichash (ghosts and demons) among his followers.

Others were devotees of Krishna, a God associated with the sermon of Bhagvad Geeta and also with the escapades of a naughty cowherd’s boy, known for his love for Radha.

I think that by choosing Shiva and Krishna as their personal gods, the poet-saints were moving away from the Rules and Obedience-based ideals of the Indian society, and promoting a more just and inclusive social system. They were also asking for more humane figures of gods, that were more accessible to people compared to the formless and infinite God of Vedas. (In the image below, a bass-relief of Shiva and Krishna from Shankerdev Kalakshetra in Guwahati)

They did not manage to banish the gender and caste-based discriminations all over India, though as the above examples from Karnataka and Assam show, they did have an impact on millions of people. Their influence was not limited to the different streams of Hinduism, but also had an impact on the different syncretic traditions of India including the Muslim Sufis.

Today we live in a different world. Though the Baul singers of Bengal and Assam can be seen as a part of the on-going tradition of poet-saints, they are more community-based, their names are not so well-known and their social impact is much smaller. However, in future the rise of the YouTube culture may spring surprises with new social-media poet-saints who are recognised in different regions and can spread the message of an equal, just and inclusive society -for transforming India. At least, I hope so!

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#poetsaintsofindia #basvanna #srimantasankardev #anubhavamantapa #namghar #sattrya 

Planning Emancipatory Research

My first 4 posts introduced some basic concepts related to emancipatory research (ER). With this 5th post, we are now going to look at more practical aspects of ER – how to plan an ER.

I believe that the ER can be a useful approach for promoting empowerment of different marginalised groups. However, all my experiences are in Emancipatory Disability Research (EDR). If you have used a similar approach for conducting research with other marginalised groups, I would love to exchange views with you. You can check the full list of my posts on emancipatory research.

Selecting the Research Themes

Identifying the research questions or the themes is fundamental for ER. The research questions should be such that they promote empowerment. ER needs to identify problems that are felt as important by the marginalised groups themselves.

For promoting empowerment, the research needs to focus on those problems in such ways so that the marginalised groups can understand the different dimensions and contributing factors of the issues. They need to ask why and understand why things happen in the way they do, and how do environment, state, society, community, families and they themselves contribute to it.

Using a human rights approach, which means focusing on peoples’ rights and how these rights are violated or not respected, is one way to stimulate people to fight for those rights and promote empowerment.

In Emancipatory Disability Research, this also means looking at issues through the social model approach focusing on the way different kinds of barriers (attitudes, resources, physical, legal, social, cultural) surrounding the persons with disabilities create and increase disablement, and limit their participation and inclusion.

Prerequisites for starting Emancipatory Research

Normally the desire for conducting ER will not come from the community of the marginalised persons – they do not understand it and how it can help them. Thus, ER has to be stimulated and supported by outsiders.

ER can only be a part of an on-going community-based programme or activities. You cannot just go as an outsider to a community and think of doing emancipatory research.

ER is conducted by the marginalised persons themselves, so if you are facilitating the ER process, be ready to give up control. Be willing to accept that people may decide to go into directions which you did not foresee or plan.

Academic researchers and other experts need to play a supporting role in ER. They must accept that they may have to sit quietly and listen (one of the most difficult things to do!). They have to give advice only when asked and they must not resent if the researchers (marginalised persons) do not accept their advice.

ER’s goal is to generate new knowledge from the point of view of marginalised persons and promote their own empowerment. The knowledge they want to generate may not seem so important to academic researchers and experts.

ER can only happen in a process lasting different months or years. Thus, ER cannot be completed in a short time by outsiders who go in for a few weeks, collect information and leave. ER is a "slow research" that requires its own time of maturation.

Identifying Researchers

Among the marginalised group of persons, you need to think of the persons who will conduct the research. Let me give you 3 examples from the ER projects in which I was involved to see how different groups of persons may be chosen:

(1) In an ER project in rural Karnataka in India, we wanted to look at the different barriers faced by all the different groups of persons with disabilities. We identified 8 groups of disabilities for the research (vision disabilities, hearing and speech disabilities, physical disabilities, etc.). We decided to identify 1 man and 1 woman with each of those 8 kinds of disabilities. We wanted both young and old persons, educated and uneducated persons, and persons living in district towns as well as those living in villages. So, in the end, in our team of 16 selected persons we had representatives from all these groups.

(2) In an ER project in Gaza in Palestine, we wanted to look at the barriers faced by young adult women with different disabilities. They identified about 25 adult women with different disabilities who were trained as researchers. It was impossible to identify women with intellectual disabilities and with mental health conditions for the role of researchers because the community workers could not understand how these 2 groups of women could contribute anything useful. This highlighted some of common negative attitudes against certain groups among the persons who may have long experience of working in the disability sector.

(3) In an on-going ER project in Mongolia, we are looking at the barriers faced by young persons (less than 30 years) with moderate to severe disabilities who live in the capital Ulan Baatar. We selected persons from different parts of the city including from the urban peripheries where families are poorer. We worked with Independent Living Movement Mongolia and other DPO federations to identify 35 researchers. However, finding persons of less than 30 years was a challenge and, in the end, we accepted persons up to 36 years old.

Thus, based on the objectives of your research, you need to define the criteria and a strategy for selecting your researchers. Usually persons with disabilities have their leaders who can speak out confidently. The challenge for ER is to find persons who are potential leaders, who may not be very confident and who may not be able to express themselves, but ER can help them to become more empowered and future leaders.

Training the Researchers

Persons from the marginalised group who have been selected as researchers need to be trained in how to conduct the research. The training will depend upon the research themes and methodology but in my experience, it is always important for them to understand how different factors influence a situation.

For example, if in our research we are looking at why children with disabilities are not going to the school, we have to think about existing education policies, attitudes (of teachers, of other children, of families), physical accessibilities, transport, school fees, skills of the teachers, number of children in the class, and so on. Most persons have some ideas about the causes of problems and it is important for them to learn to not focus only on their own ideas, but learn to see issues from different point of views. I prefer to dedicate one day of training to making the future researchers doing different exercises about the possible causes of different problems.

The researchers also need training about general skills such as how to ask questions, listening with empathy, being respectful to people, and being aware about their own prejudices. They also need to reflect on issues of confidentiality, privacy and ethics.

They may also need some specific skills such as how to run a focus group or how to interview persons, which will depend upon the research methodology.

Finally, the researchers need to understand the diversities of their own marginalisation. For example, in Emancipatory Disability Research, persons with disabilities need to understand the diversity of ways in which barriers affect them because of their different disabilities. Some of the barriers faced by a blind person will be very different from the barriers faced a wheel-chair user, while other barriers may be similar. Thus, I feel that it is important for the researchers to be aware of their own differences, acknowledge their own negative attitudes and learn to be inclusive.

Support Staff for the Emancipatory Research

The researchers selected from the marginalised groups will need a support system to carry out the research.

The most important figure among the support staff is that of a reporter – the person who will accompany each step and document all the research process. ER is almost always a qualitative research during which people talk, share stories and experiences. The reporter has to document all these discussions. Persons with research experience and background in areas like sociology, anthropology, nursing or humanities can be good at it.

Depending upon the research methodology, the ER process may need contributions from a statistician for the analysis of any data collected during the research.

Other support staff will be needed to organise the different research activities such as the organisation of meetings, group discussions, interviews and visits to the field. For example, researchers may need accessible transport services and accessible meeting venues. They may need materials in Braille or a sign language interpreter.

EDR also requires a group of committed experts including academic researchers who agree to follow the research and support the researchers during the different phases of the process.

To Conclude

Planning an ER requires committed research professionals who are willing to put themselves in supporting roles and give space to marginalised persons to think about and understand their own issues.

A perfect ER in which a group of marginalised persons completely controls all aspects of the research is an ideal – it is very difficult to achieve but we need to strive for it by constantly questioning ourselves and forcing ourselves to keeping quiet and listening, instead of intervening.

In my next posts, I will share information about my experiences in different ER initiatives.

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#planningemancipatoryresearch #disabilityresearch #emancipatoryresearch #edr 

Learning Sanskrit or German?

The columnists seem almost unanimous - making Indian children learn Sanskrit is a fundamentalist-obscurantist, Hinduttva conspiracy, while learning German is something forward looking-progressive and modern.

I feel that learning and knowing different languages is culturally enriching, a wonderful way for us to know the world. Thus in my opinion, learning German is fine. However, I also believe that India has neglected teaching Sanskrit to school children, depriving them of a wonderful tool in knowing their own cultural roots.

THE DEBATE

Lord Meghnad Desai, a member of House of Lords in UK, wrote about it in Indian Express:

Sanskrit is today a dead language which is spoken rather badly by a few. How often have we all heard Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam murdered by bad pronunciation. Sanskrit is and was, throughout history, an elite language which only Brahmins were privileged to learn... in India, the forward-looking, development-oriented people want to learn German. But the obscurantists want the country to go back to its ancient roots and learn Sanskrit.

Outlook clarifies that the order of Education Minister Ms Smriti Irani is not just about Sanskrit but it asks Kendriya Vidyalayas (Central schools) to replace German, taught as third language, "with Sanskrit or any other modern Indian language". In a letter, Ashok Aggarwal, writing on behalf of All India Parents' Association has written that the decision of education minister is "unfair, illegal, unconstitutional and unjust".

I don't know if legally Ms. Irani has taken a wrong decision and if it is unconstitutional - I hope not. However, I wonder if media and columnists, by making it a "German versus Sanskrit" debate, are perhaps deliberately creating some confusion? Would it not be more appropriate to pose it as the "foreign language versus an Indian language" debate?

The three language education formula (mother tongue + English + an Indian language) was created to promote unity of India. I feel that today there are many persons in India, especially those who speak English, who think that in the globalized world using school time to learn another Indian language is a wastage of time while learning French, German, or any other "foreign" language is much more important for the future job prospects of their children.

I wonder if all this debate, presented in terms of Hinduttva-versus-Progressive ideas about education, is really about our belief about the inferiority of India's vernacular language speaking majority world?

NEGLECT OF SANSKRIT IN INDIA

I had studied Sanskrit for three years in the middle school. I do not recall those studies with particular pleasure, but that did not mean that Sanskrit was an especially boring subject - rather, I think that in general, teaching in our school was unimaginative and boring, not just in Sanskrit, but also in other subjects like physics and history. Unless we are fortunate to get a gifted teacher, most of Indian education system continues to be like that.

Few decades later, when I was living in Italy and was forced to learn Italian, which included learning the Latin linguistic structures, I was suddenly reminded of Sanskrit - the way of remembering changes in verbs according to the tense, gender and persons in Latin, is very similar to Sanskrit.

Later, my work helped me to learn French and Portuguese. I also studied German on my own for some time, though I was never any good at it. Knowing different European languages, often I am struck by the similarities in the roots of different words in different languages, wondering about their common origins and about how languages intermix and gain from each other.

Learning different languages helped to awaken my interest in different humanistic areas - arts, history, archeology and anthropology. It gave me many opportunities to learn about these areas in the European (and western) context. It also made me understand that while I knew so much about origins of Greek and Roman cultures, I hardly knew anything about India's past - for example, I was unaware of the works of persons like Kalidasa or Shudraka.

For many centuries, learning Sanskrit was barred to majority of Indians - it was reserved for Brahmins. However, in Independent India, what stopped us from democratising Sanskrit knowledge and making sure that all Indians could learn it? Or because it was also the language of exclusion and discrimination in the past, should we ignore it and forget it?

I do not have any ideological love for any language or any desire to prove that ancient Indian civilization was better than any other civilization. But I think that Sanskrit is a part of the Indian heritage and if we ignore it, we ignore our own past. How can we love and cherish who we are, if we decide to ignore and forget where we come from?

NOT JUST SANSKRIT

In the end I don't think that the discussion is about closing our doors to languages like German. Learning German can give us an entry into reading and understanding works of great writers like Goethe, Kant and Hesse. However, I don't think that those who talk of teaching German are worried about not knowing the great German writers. I think that our worries about learning German are more practical - how it can help us to find jobs and make carriers.

I think that as a market-driven society, we are willing to ignore education about literature, art, culture and history, and focus on practical skills that can get us jobs. I also think that it is a short-sighted view.

Today, learning new languages especially European languages, is easier than it has ever been in the history. Internet, free online courses, watching TV channels from other countries, making friends from other countries and chatting with them - if you really wish, you can learn new languages and keep that knowledge alive through internet. Perhaps one day, it will become equally easier to learn Indian languages and Sanskrit through internet.

I believe that learning our own languages and cherishing our own history, literature, art and culture is an important first step for becoming aware and responsible citizens. Only when we know about our own roots, can we explore and appreciate the roots and rich diversities of others.

It is not just about Sanskrit - I wish, our education system could teach our children about the rich works in our "vernacular" languages - from Marathi, to Tamil to Urdu.

Sanskrit may be a "dead" language, not spoken by people, but the language is very much alive for understanding our past. Words from Sanskrit have permeated all the different Indian languages.

I think that this debate is also about a "future-job centric" view of education versus the building of a "cultural foundation" role of education. I believe in a holistic education and not a job-centric education - make our science and maths learning more interactive and practical, but do not give up on subjects like arts, literature, culture and history.

If I were to ask you about the works of Shakespeare or Homer or Dante, probably you would be able to give me some answers. However I suspect that if I ask you about the works of Kalidasa or Banabhatta or Jayadeva, few of you will be able to remember the titles of their works. That is the real tragedy.

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Tribal lives - Konds of Orissa

Felix Padel, the great great grandson of Charles Darwin, is a well known Indo-British anthropologist. His book "Sacrificing people - Invasions of a tribal landscape" looks at the colonial roots of the relationships between "Adivasis", the indigenous people in tribal areas of India with the rest of country.

"First there were the soldiers, then missionaries and now the mining companies," Padel had said in an interview. His books explore the themes of displacement and the cultural genocide of the adivasis.

This post touches on some of the critical issues raised by Felix in his book "Sacrificing People" (Orient Black Swan, new updated paperback edition, 2011).

In the preface to the first edition of this book, Felix had written, "My main aim is to understand what has been imposed on tribal people by looking objectively at the various groups of people who have imposed on them." Among the various groups scrutinized critically by Felix are anthropologists themselves, which makes for a very interesting reading.

Large parts of the book deal with the issue of human sacrifices among the Konds of Orissa and how the colonial regime dealt with it. Another important area of focus of this book is the meaning of development and how it can lead to exclusion and exploitation of tribal people.

Apart from these two areas of enquiry, I personally found two parts of the book very interesting - those dealing with the way anthropologists look at and study the indigenous cultures and the impact of missionary work and religious conversions on tribal lives.

Adivasis, the tribal people of India

The initial works of Felix focused on the Kond group of indigenous people in Orissa. Different sub-groups of Konds such as Konda and Gond are present in neighbouring Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh.

During the British colonial rule, Kond groups in Orissa had been the subject of different "reforms" because there were reports of human sacrifice practices among them. Konds sacrificed meriah, children bought from the Dom groups ("lower caste" Hindu groups involved in trading with Konds).

There are many different groups among the Konds. Clans are important in people's identity. Each clan, as well as each section of a clan and each village, has its own territory, and its own ancestors and myths and particular customs and ways of dressing...

Now as in 1830s Konds have close connections with people of an 'untouchable' caste called Doms or Panos, who live in Kond villages and carry on small scale trading .. Other tribal castes whom Konds depend on include blacksmiths, potters and herders, who almost function as sub-castes of Konds. Sundis are a Hindu caste of distillers; they make and sell mahua - the most famous of alcoholic drinks that play such an important part in tribal culture... Konds also have a close relationship with high caste Hindus.

Kond villages, like those of other tribes, show a lot of variety in how far they conform to the non-tribal or modern lifestyle of those around them. When men cut their hair short, this is often a sign of conformity, whether to Hindu or Christian norms. In the remoter villages, where men keep their hair long, a way of life continues that has not changed much since the days before the British rule. (p. 14-15)

Thus, compared to other indigenous groups in Africa or South America, that remained "indigenous" because they were isolated from other people living in their lands, the adivasis-tribals in India, were not completely isolated and had different kinds of interfaces with other population groups. However, in spite of such contacts they were able to conserve their own cultures and customs.

At the same time, Felix explains how these adivasi groups assimilated the different influences of other Indian groups such as their caste-based hierarchical relationships with Doms. Thus, on one hand, adivasis are considered inferior by non-advasis and at another level, they themselves considered certain other caste groups to be inferior to them.

Culturally they have always been part of Indian civilization, on its edge. Unlike most tribal peoples outside India, they have maintained trading and ritual links with city-based 'civilized' society for well over 2000 years.

Ancient texts on statecraft such as the Arthshastra discuss how to win them over as allies... the Indian situation presents a striking contrast to the European or Christian relationship between tribal peoples and 'civilization': in Europe they were mostly conquered, 'pacified' or 'civilized' into peasantry, and converted to Christianity during the Roman period or soon after. Later in the 'New World' tribes were exterminated or at least displaced from their land through a stark confrontation between European colonists and aboriginals. Hindu civilization did not on the whole seek to convert or displace tribals, although there was certainly often conflict, and tribes were forced to retreat to the remotest areas ..

Tribal religion is not sharply distinct from Hinduism.. Tribal myths have clear connections with Hindu mythology. Adivasis travel from far around to take part in certain Hindu festivals... Yet their differences from Hindus are conscious and conspicuous. In some contexts or areas they call themselves Hindus, in others not. (p. 17) 

This co-existence between tribal and non-tribal groups in India was challenged during the British colonial rule. In post-independence period and especially over the past two decades, policies of liberalization and commercialization with exploitation of natural resources, have put increasing stress on this co-existence.

Anthropologists studying the "exotic" tribals

In the book, Felix takes a critical look at the way in which colonial anthropologists had dehumanized the subjects of their studies, where anthropology was a tool of the colonial project and the objective of "civilizing" the tribals translated into controlling them and their resources. He advocates for a transformation towards reflexive or critical anthropology.

Anthropology was a vital element in British rule of the Konds, not least because it legitimized British rule from the side of science by defining Konds as a 'primitive tribe' who stood to benefit from an 'enlightened government', just as the missionaries legitmized it from the side of religion and ethics. (p. 242)

And when I looked at the anthropological literature about the Konds and other tribes in India, I realized that it forms an essential part of the discourse of power that was imposed on them. It denies them a voice, and denies their reality, by defining and categorizing them in way that is fantastically, incomprehensibly alien. (p. 243)

Felix proposes that our present way of looking at the tribal groups in India is a variation on the colonial attitudes towards them - it supports their exploitation and exclusion from their lands and cultures.

Victorian anthropology produced a highly impersonal way of writing about tribes such as Konds, that defined them as 'primitive' in every domain of life. It thus gave out as a 'scientific fact' what was essentially a negative stereotype. The underlying theory is what we call 'social evolutionism' - which, officially, most anthropologists have rejected. Yet it persists in India now in a slightly different form,in the idea that adivasis are 'backwards' or 'in need of development', and thereby legitimizes imposing momentous restrictions on them or displacing them from their land in the name of development. (p. 243)

Colonialism and the missionary project

In the chapter "Soldiers of Christ", Felix takes a critical look at the role played by colonial missionaries in assisting and expanding the control over the tribals. He briefly touches upon the evolution of missionary activities in the post-independence period.

Missioneries' self-sacrifice is often extreme and their benevolence, especially in education and medicine, seems beyond question. But there is a fundamental bias in their outlook which polarizes people, in the idea that Christianity is superior to other religions and that only Christians can be 'saved'. Behind a mask of meekness there is thus an enormous arrogance and violence in the missionary entreprise: a fundamental closedness and prejudice against other cultures and religions. (p. 185)

Felix touches repeatedly on the dual nature of the missionary work among the tribal people:

My appraisal of mission work may appear unsympathetic, since I do not share missionaries' negative judgement of tribal religion or their desire to uproot traditional beliefs and customs. Yet the missionaries we shall meet 'gave their lives for the Konds' in the years of devoted 'service', and many of them died 'in the field'. (p. 186)

A contrast between how missionaries saw themselves and how they saw they came to convert is thus at the basis of their thinking. If they idealized their own suffering and benevolence, their image of various 'others' is basically a negative stereotype. (p. 206) 

Regarding the missionary role in the colonial cause, Felix looks at the complex relationships between the missionaries and the colonial administrators.

On the surface missionaries were independent from the Government. Sometimes they came into conflict with it. There was a long standing tradition of missionaries who championed basic human rights overseas...But there was a lot of liason too, and at a deeper level a mutual dependence and division of labour evolved: in return for its patronage, missionaries extended the Government's hold over Konds in various ways. (p. 189-190)

Regarding the impact of missionary discourse on the tribal culture, Felix touches on different facets of this issue.

The missionary message was thus often aimed at persuading people of their sinfulness and appealing to their fear of damnation. As a result, a dominant theme in missionary discourse is a contrast between their own self-sacrificing Christianity and the sinfulness of various other groups - pagan Konds and Hindus, as well as Christians of other sects. (p. 200)

The theory here is that Kond religion consists of ignorance and the free expression of savage passions. The metaphors are of combating darkness and clearing the jungle, to 'elevate the Kond' .. The use of singular instead of plural in these passages is significant. It isolates the individual, just as in practice missionaries isolated individuals through teaching and conversion. 'The Kond' is a hapless, demonstrably ignorant specimen of scientific study and missionary persuasion. (p. 211)

Schools were not just a secular addition to Mission work: they were central to it, and it seems that the fundamental aim of Mission schools was to undermine traditional beliefs and inculcate a reformed pattern of behaviour and attitudes, preparing the ground for conversion, and creating a missionized elite among the population, who would see the world as missionaries wanted them to see it, separated from their fellows by many symbols. (p. 219)

So when Konds' language was 'reduced to writing', missionaries made sure its first texts were Christian texts. The same happened with the vast majority of tribal languages in the world. (p. 221)

.. missionaries segregated their converts as far as possible from unconverted pagans ... Orphanages and schools separated Kond children from their communities in many ways. Conversion to Christianity carried this much further, dividing a village with a host of values and symbols. (p. 233)

Felix notes that after independence, the evangelizing missions have been taken over the Indian Christians and the conversions to Christianity among the tribal groups have increased manifold.

Perhaps it would be interesting to see if the Christianity of Indian preachers is in some ways more inclusive of traditional beliefs and ideas of Tribal groups, giving rise to more syncretic versions of the religion?

Conclusions

Personally, at one level, I find frightening the idea of homogenising the different cultures and beliefs of people, substituting their rich world of myths and stories, with a common cultural-religious narrative. In recent years, like the missionaries, certain Hinduttva groups have also pushed for some standardized Hindu narratives in which the rich world of Adivasis gets submerged. At another level, the same happens to Adivasi languages, by the dominance of 'superior' languages, mainly English, but sometimes even Hindi or other Indian languages.

These discussions raise other questions in my mind - are human societies like museums where we need to keep 'pure and uncontaminated' varieties of people's cultures forcing them to live in the stone age, rather than the natural progressive transformation of societies when they meet other people and other cultures?

Felix Padel's book "Sacrificing People" forced me to rethink many of my ideas about tribal population groups in India - I think that many of my ideas were/are indeed shaped by the dominant Western cultural discourse which looks at indigenous people as ignorant and backwards and who need to be civilized.

Often persons advocating for 'development' get angry by any discussions on the rights of tribal people. They believe that such discussions and related protests against exploitation of natural resources in tribal areas are only ways to block 'progress'.

I do agree that sometimes people fighting for rights of indigenous groups have quaint but outlandish ideas about how persons ought to live and about the role of technology in our lives.

However, often 'development' is made only at the expense of the poor and marginalized, ignoring their rights and simple human dignity. It may also be controlled by ruthless groups of shareholders who benefit from a corrupt system. How can we avoid the 'development' that destroys our environment for short term gains? In my opinion, finding a middle ground in such a situation is fundamental.

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